The UN on September 8 said that at least 270,000 Rohingyas crossed the border since the Myanmar army launched demining operations in the northern Rakhine state on August 25, following attacks by the Arakan Rohinya rescue army in police stations. The number is about one-third of the country’s Rohingya population, although Myanmar has not published official figures. The Rohingya enigma has two dimensions: the focus of the international community and that of the Myanmar government. The core of the enigma lies in identity itself.
Although identified as Rohingyas, neither the government nor the majority of the population of Myanmar, including the Buddhists of Rakhine, accept this claim. Instead, they are called Bangladeshi Bangladeshi immigrants. The problem is that neither Bangladesh nor its people are willing to accept them as theirs. However, on several occasions, their security forces have forced many of the Rohingyas who have fled to their shores. The Bangladeshi government has also considered the idea of temporarily resetting the Rohingyas on a lowland island, which many condemn.
India is careful to take a strong stand on the Rohingya issue primarily for two reasons. He does not want a tense relationship with Myanmar, where New Delhi is exploring ways to improve its presence and influence in Myanmar and the region of Southeast East Asia by its policy in the East. In some circles, India also feared that Islamic terrorist groups could expand their networks through hardline Rohingyas. While criticism of the international community is directed at the Myanmar government in general, the de facto leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) The government, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been elected. But that is not justified.
The nature of power sharing or the hybrid system in the country is such that the army can simply choose to ignore or not cooperate with the civilian government led by the NLD. The possibility of another military acquisition can not be ruled out in case of threat to national sovereignty and territorial integrity, regardless of what the Constitution says. On the other hand, many do not seem to realize that Suu Kyi is no longer an activist or a human being – a rights advocate who used to be during the years of his pro-democracy movement. Many do not understand that Suu Kyi, like many other politicians, wants to remain in power for now and in the foreseeable future, which forces him to take into account the feelings of the majority voters.
The clear evidence was that the NLD did not have a Muslim candidate in the general elections of 2015. Instead of addressing any irritation and frustration in Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD government, the international community, including the United Nations and the powerful Western democracies must put pressure on Myanmar’s military leadership, especially Commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing, to end the violence and work to find a peaceful solution to Rohingya’s troublesome problem. Despite apparent difficulties and challenges, Suu Kyi and his NLD government must work with the military, leaders of the Muslim community Rohingya and Rakhine Buddhists, and with the international community to end violence and solve the puzzle .
ARSA should not undertake new armed attacks against the country’s security forces to pave the way to peace. All political actors should strive to end the tension and cycle of violence in order to avoid further loss of life (especially civil) and property, restore law and order and prevent communal tensions or violence spread to other parts of the country. A sustainable solution should focus on implementing the recommendations of the Kofi Annan State Advisory Council, including removing the segregation or barriers between the Rhingan Muslim and Buddhist Rohingya and speeding up the process of verifying citizenship for the Rohingyas. Meanwhile, moderate leaders on both sides of the communities – Rohingya and Rakhine – must take every possible initiative to improve mutual trust and the spirit of peaceful coexistence.