On Feb. 28, 15 years have passed since a wave of violence has plunged 20 of Gujarat’s 25 districts. This persisted for several weeks, and in some places for months, while state authorities did little to control it. More than 1,000 people, the vast majority of members of the Muslim minority community died. Tens of thousands of homes and small business establishments – small businesses, wooden carts, autoricks taxi hedges, restaurants and garages – were burned and livestock and life savings looted.
This resulted in the long displacement and persistence of more than 200,000 people. More than half of them were actively warned – because of fear, intimidation and social and economic boycott – of returning home, resulting in their permanent eviction of villages and settlements since birth.
Less noticed, less dramatic, but even more frightening, is what happened in the dozen years that followed. There is the new normality of Gujarat, in which Muslims have learned to live apart, just as the Dalits have been forced to exist for centuries. Many were promoted and held on the “Gujarat model” and subsequent elections were seen as a mandate to nationalize this throughout India. Part of this “Gujarat model” is undoubtedly linked to favoring a business-friendly management of investment in social sectors.
But what is least recognized is that part of the model is the systematic reduction of the country’s religious minorities to second-class citizenship. This is no different from what has been achieved so effectively – and with so little resistance or even an opinion and opinion of the liberal public opinion of the country – as a result of the riots. This second-class Muslim citizenship also extends to Christians, Dalits and tribes in Gujarat.
Campaigns to Ghar Wapsi or (home) converted Christians and Muslims to Hinduism, suggesting that only Hindu faith is “at home” and that people who convert to other religions must be reduced; or against the consumption of beef and the “love of jihad”; and abusive hate speech against Muslims; have generated fear and fear among Indian religious minorities. Especially during several elections in the state, anti-minority hatred is cynical – examples are the comments about the “rose revolution” and the killing of rhinos to receive Muslims from Bangladesh to Assam in 2014 and after loading of discrimination the death of the Hindu Elections ABOVE.
To suggest that this whole objective of minorities remains uncontrolled against the wishes of the government is rather insidious. If his colleagues in the cabinet and party were falling, a public admonition of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and – in the unlikely event that his perseverance with hate speech – the dismissal of senior officials, could easily end all statements and campaigns of hate. university students with turnover with sedition left still rehabilitates the ideological vision of the BJP in which any liberal dissent and the left against the social and economic policy of the government is impitoyenne because the party in power, the government, its leader and the nation converge in a homogeneous whole.
When a young idealist doctoral student – who described himself as a Marxist ambassador – Rohith Vemula at the Central University of Hyderabad, he tried to organize screening of the Protestant film against community violence and debate the death penalty judge at Yakub Memon condemned by the explosions of Bombay of 1993, was called an anti-national by two government ministers. This resulted in his suspension from college and, ultimately, his suicide. When the left UNJN students organized a meeting to question the justice of the death penalty Afzal Guru hanged for his complicity in the attack on the Parliament, they were charged with sedition, for which could be imprisoned life. The elected officials of the BJP have doubled all those who have protested against this action, including senior officials of the left and Congress, as anti-national. Idealist militants fighting human rights abuses in Chhattisgarh were harassed as Maoists.